Painting by Thomas Van Stein
Early May is an ugly time of year in Monaco, pre-Grand Prix, when the construction of bleachers and barricades make one feel like a lab mouse in a maze.
The Prince had just returned from an expedition to the North Pole, followed by a visit to Moscow and dinner at the Kremlin hosted by Russian President Vladimir PUTIN.
He told me that the North Pole was “awesome” and that he had felt PUTIN’s “cold steely side.”
PUTIN had even mentioned to the Prince his visit to Monaco in 1992 as part of a Russian trade delegation. (Ah, that would be MING’s introduction of Russians to Monaco.)
Leonid SLOUTSKY, the Prince told me, had pushed his way into every aspect of the North Pole expedition, except dinner at the Kremlin, where PUTIN had pushed him out.
Then I got down to it. “Rarely in life does one find a black and white situation,” I began. “But we actually have one here. Jean-Luc ALLAVENA is doing a great job, implementing your program. Jean-Paul PROUST is trying to play you against your own chef de cabinet, even leaking to VSD magazine that people are calling JLA ‘Albert the Third,’ because PROUST believes it will antagonize you against him.
"The knives come out for JLA every weekend. PROUST tries to undercut JLA’s authority by seeing you in his absence and then twists the facts against JLA to get you to nod and agree so he can return to his office and convince himself and his staff that he has your approval. Proust does not want to relinquish the power that belongs constitutionally to the Palace, and JLA is your enforcer. He needs your support. PROUST,” I added, “is impeding all progress. You should get rid of him.”
The Prince nodded. The same nod most people interpret as obtaining his tacit approval.
Then I produced a document that allegedly implicated Philippe NARMINO, newly appointed chief of judicial services, and others, in a mega-dirty deal.
“What?” The Prince adjusted his glasses and studied it closely. This single, profound document seemed, finally, to make an impact.
“You’ve got to clean out the government,” I said quietly.
“What about the French?” the Prince asked.
“That’s part of the problem,” I replied. “According to our asset, LIDDY, the French already know about this. That’s another reason you have to get rid of them: the French know—and they know you know. They think you’re being blackmailed. Until the fundamentals are right, no progress can be made.”
On another front, as part of Operation Scribe I had met with Jeff STINSON, London-based foreign correspondent for USA Today. On deep background, I outlined a highly positive story on how the Prince meant business cracking down on dirty money in Monaco. The purpose of Operation Scribe would be to spook the bad guys through positive PR. STINSON had expressed interest and, like any good reporter, would need to fly down and investigate the situation firsthand, and conduct interviews.
The Prince agreed to an interview, but specifically requested that Christiane STAHL, his Cabinet Communications Director, be excluded from knowing anything about it. Then he had to leave. Michael SMURFIT, the Irish tycoon, expected the Prince aboard his yacht, along with the Prince’s senior aide-de-camp--and a new Russian they wanted him to meet.
“Probably one of your aide-de-camp’s business deals,” I commented.
The Prince affected a grim expression. “It’s a problem.” (Not enough of a problem to take a pass, apparently.)
Next morning, JLA confronted Proust and told him his “promotion” for Franck BIANCHERI sucked to high hell.
PROUST offered his resignation, and JLA said he’d take it.
PROUST retracted his position, said he would take it up with the Prince on Monday.
The Prince nodded. The same nod most people interpret as obtaining his tacit approval.
Then I produced a document that allegedly implicated Philippe NARMINO, newly appointed chief of judicial services, and others, in a mega-dirty deal.
“What?” The Prince adjusted his glasses and studied it closely. This single, profound document seemed, finally, to make an impact.
“You’ve got to clean out the government,” I said quietly.
“What about the French?” the Prince asked.
“That’s part of the problem,” I replied. “According to our asset, LIDDY, the French already know about this. That’s another reason you have to get rid of them: the French know—and they know you know. They think you’re being blackmailed. Until the fundamentals are right, no progress can be made.”
On another front, as part of Operation Scribe I had met with Jeff STINSON, London-based foreign correspondent for USA Today. On deep background, I outlined a highly positive story on how the Prince meant business cracking down on dirty money in Monaco. The purpose of Operation Scribe would be to spook the bad guys through positive PR. STINSON had expressed interest and, like any good reporter, would need to fly down and investigate the situation firsthand, and conduct interviews.
The Prince agreed to an interview, but specifically requested that Christiane STAHL, his Cabinet Communications Director, be excluded from knowing anything about it. Then he had to leave. Michael SMURFIT, the Irish tycoon, expected the Prince aboard his yacht, along with the Prince’s senior aide-de-camp--and a new Russian they wanted him to meet.
“Probably one of your aide-de-camp’s business deals,” I commented.
The Prince affected a grim expression. “It’s a problem.” (Not enough of a problem to take a pass, apparently.)
Next morning, JLA confronted Proust and told him his “promotion” for Franck BIANCHERI sucked to high hell.
PROUST offered his resignation, and JLA said he’d take it.
PROUST retracted his position, said he would take it up with the Prince on Monday.
I hoped beyond hope Albert had cultivated enough moxie to accept Proust’s resignation or, if he had changed his mind, demand it anyway.
When I next met JLA, in his Palace office, it was to show him a letter from Jeff STINSON, the USA Today reporter, which itemized the topics STINSON wished to cover in interviews with both JLA and the Prince.
I rebounded to the Palace two-and-a-half hours later for a meeting with the Prince in his office. They confirmed a USA Today interview five days hence, and also an M-Base party for July 10th, which the Prince would attend.
We also discussed the document implicating NARMINO and how the Prince must dump him as chief of judicial services.
“Paris will applaud you,” I said.
“But they’re corrupt in Paris,” the Prince replied.
He said this as if somebody had planted that very phrase in his brain.
(Was this, ultimately, a defense for permitting corruption in Monaco after announcing to the world the introduction of a new ethic?)
“And they’re corrupt all along the Mediterranean,” I countered. “But we’re trying to do something different here. Aren’t we?”
I urged the Prince to accept PROUST’s resignation, if tendered, and reminded him that no progress could be made until the fundamentals were right.
The Prince had a new requirement: Find out about Chalva TCHIGIRINSKI, the Russian to whom he had been introduced by Michael SMURFIT and his own aide-de-camp.
It did not take long. Our operation, going on almost four years, was ultra slick by now, so we had answers before bedtime: Chalva “Chig” Pavlovitch TCHIGIRINSKI, born July 1st, 1949, a Russian with Israeli citizenship--a crook, but not as dirty as many of the others coming into Monaco and the Cote d’Azur from Russia; aligned with Mayor Yuri LUZHKOV of Moscow, at odds with PUTIN, connected to one of the Red Mafia’s biggest names, Simeon MOGILEVICH.
When I next met JLA, in his Palace office, it was to show him a letter from Jeff STINSON, the USA Today reporter, which itemized the topics STINSON wished to cover in interviews with both JLA and the Prince.
I rebounded to the Palace two-and-a-half hours later for a meeting with the Prince in his office. They confirmed a USA Today interview five days hence, and also an M-Base party for July 10th, which the Prince would attend.
We also discussed the document implicating NARMINO and how the Prince must dump him as chief of judicial services.
“Paris will applaud you,” I said.
“But they’re corrupt in Paris,” the Prince replied.
He said this as if somebody had planted that very phrase in his brain.
(Was this, ultimately, a defense for permitting corruption in Monaco after announcing to the world the introduction of a new ethic?)
“And they’re corrupt all along the Mediterranean,” I countered. “But we’re trying to do something different here. Aren’t we?”
I urged the Prince to accept PROUST’s resignation, if tendered, and reminded him that no progress could be made until the fundamentals were right.
The Prince had a new requirement: Find out about Chalva TCHIGIRINSKI, the Russian to whom he had been introduced by Michael SMURFIT and his own aide-de-camp.
It did not take long. Our operation, going on almost four years, was ultra slick by now, so we had answers before bedtime: Chalva “Chig” Pavlovitch TCHIGIRINSKI, born July 1st, 1949, a Russian with Israeli citizenship--a crook, but not as dirty as many of the others coming into Monaco and the Cote d’Azur from Russia; aligned with Mayor Yuri LUZHKOV of Moscow, at odds with PUTIN, connected to one of the Red Mafia’s biggest names, Simeon MOGILEVICH.
“Chig” had a real estate background. He owned President MOBUTU’s old villa on Cap Martin, and presumably wanted to dabble in Monaco property, assisted by the Prince’s aide-de-camp, who had a way of greasing these things for a commission, probably in the Prince’s name.
In other words, business as usual.
In other words, business as usual.