Conspiracy Nation -- Vol. 3 Num. 26

("Quid coniuratio est?")

I received the following from a CN reader who wishes to remain anonymous. What I plan to do is post the entire document over a period of time, most likely in weekly installments. Here is part 7.

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An Investigation and Discussion of that Part of the United States Government Which We Did Not Elect, Which Is Not Accountable, Which Is Unconstitutional, Which Is Engaged In Unlawful and Unconstitutional Activity, and Then Hides Behind the National Security Act of 1947



30. Scott, Peter Dale, Deep Politics And The Death Of JFK, Berkeley, California, University of California Press, 1993. Scott is a Professor of English at the University of California, Berkeley. He has also written other relevant books, two of which are, Crime and Cover-Up: The CIA, the Mafia, and the Dallas- Watergate Connection, and Cocaine Politics: Drugs, Armies, and the CIA in Central America. Summary: He defines deep politics as "all those political practices and arrangements, deliberate or not, which are usually repressed rather than acknowledged." He further states, "...the fact that certain procedures are repressed from public consciousness becomes itself suppressed. Occasionally, however, such 'connections' between overworld and underworld impact radically upon the public realm, and we have unexplained crises such as the Kennedy assassination, Watergate, and Contragate." He also shows connections with S & L scandal, bank failures, and many others.

His book is not about the Kennedy assassination. His book is about government corruption, government involvement with old Nazis, the wide-spread use of prostitution in Washington, DC merely to hold our elected officials for ransom, drug trafficking, intelligence agencies, terrorism in foreign countries, private wealth, multinational corporations, the international scope of organized crime, BCCI & Nugan-Hand Bank & other financial institutions used by the CIA to launder drug money, and the military industrial complex. He uses the JFK assassination merely as a vehicle to give specific examples. He contends that if you were to deeply investigate any particular scandal you would come up with the same list, the same names, the same scenario basically. (He gives specifics to back up his assertion relative to other scandals.)

He states, "Conspiracy theories 'encourage a belief that if we get rid of a few bad people, everything would be well in the world.'...The conspiracies I see as operative, in other words, are part of our political structure, not exceptions to it." In other words, a conspiratorial approach is built into, institutionalized, into "the way we are systematically governed."

"It is certainly true, as the establishment press reiterates from time to time, that many people are psychologically disposed to conspiratorial explanations for events like political murder....Such psychological explanations can be put forward in an open-minded and truth-seeking spirit, but only if their proponents concede that the opposite is also true. That is, many people, particularly those whose productive careers have prospered under the status quo, are equally disposed on psychological grounds to reject conspiratorial explanations for events that affect the legitimacy of the society they live in."

He investigates that repressed area where political and criminal activities interface. "To the twenty-one or more who are supposed to have died violent deaths during the Warren Commission investigation, Anthony Summers adds a supplementary list of sixteen, who died at the time of the Garrison investigation of l967, Church Committee investigation of l975-76, and House Committee investigation of l977-78." He proposes a symbiosis of crime and federal law enforcement that "used and/or protected international narcotics traffickers as agents against communism, not just informants." He points to the flood of drugs into this country since WWII as an "unspeakable" issue leading to the many cover-ups, and that "men of enormous private wealth and power who both sustained and profited from the symbiosis of crime and government."

"[A retired Washington detective] is convinced that the systematic sexual seduction of Congress and the Administration is an ongoing, highly organized, and protected operation.... Subsequent revelations about Watergate in l972, and the so-called Koreagate scandal of l978, corroborates his hypothesis that mob- supplied call girls, with their phones bugged by intelligence agents, have driven the major scandals of Washington since at least the beginning of the Cold War."

He contends that the assassination caused a great upsurge in domestic intelligence gathering on political dissenters, as well as on congress, an informed electorate, and the press - three key elements of a democracy. "There are those who argue that the FBI's primary institutional goal was never the prosecution of crime, but the surveillance and repression of political dissent."

He states, "There is a deep pattern in this country where mob- controlled funds, licit and illicit, are brought in to revitalize declining 'old wealth' firms." He shows connections between the Nugan-Hand Bank, BCCI, S & L scandal, and other financial institutions with organized crime.

"It is normal, not unusual, for the entry of major U.S. firms into Third World countries to be facilitated and sustained, indeed made possible, by corruption. More often than not, from China and Southeast Asia to Lebanon and South America, the key corrupters have been simultaneously CIA-connected and major figures in the international narcotics traffic."

"To now recognize a transnational dimension to [deep politics] is not to refute our earlier model, but to refine it: to recognize that the American political system is of necessity an open one, and thus increasingly susceptible to the growing influence of money and intelligence penetration from abroad. The systemic adjustment of which we have spoken is thus one not confined to the perimeters of U.S. sovereignty.

"Transnational connections are common modes of interaction between intelligence agencies, often in intrigues of which heads of government may be, at best, only dimly aware. Sometimes they may give rise to more overt, structured arrangements or forums, such as the World Anti-Communist League, a forum, financed over the years by countries like Nationalist China and Saudi Arabia, with recurring links to the international drug traffic.

"These transnational connections can be thought of as rather clumsy efforts to fill what I see as the great governmental vacuum which has existed, especially since World War II, when sovereignty has not expanded to deal with the multinational society, economy, and even polity in which we live. Transnational connections have thrived in this vacuum, some to fill human needs, and many, many others to exploit them."

He goes on to tell the story of two brothers who emerged as popular leaders 100 years before Rome perished. They were determined to check corruption in their government. They were murdered by the senatorial class who had felt threatened by the reforms. As its army's conquests impressed many, more men and resources were given to it. "Even after the imperator Augustus took up permanent residence in Rome, the Senate continued to meet. Historians wrote about decadence, and moralists vowed to revive the old family virtues. A class accustomed to participate in civic institutions continued to do just that and no more, for generations. People found it preferable to ignore the fact that real power had migrated out of these institutions, into an imperial regime, the armies and the courts of the army commanders. The self-respect of the senatorial classes depended on this denial.

"I do not wish to make too much of this cliched analogy, only to draw attention to the social function of denial in masking political change. We still talk of an America of constitutional government. But in crisis after crisis the real power centers turn out to be institutions like the CIA, or the National Security Council, which the Constitution never contemplated and arguably cannot survive."

31. Levine, Michael, The Big White Lie, New York, New York, Thunder's Mouth Press, 1993. Levine is a 25 year veteran and former agent of the Drug Enforcement Agency and author. Summary: Expose of how the pro-DEA ruling government in Bolivia was overthrown by a CIA-sponsored coup and the ex-government members tortured and killed by CIA-sponsored paramilitary terrorists under the command of fugitive Nazi war criminal Klaus Barbie, a man protected by the CIA. The torture methods used were taught by the CIA. Those killed are now being found in mass graves. The primary goal of the coup was protection and control of Bolivia's cocaine industry. During this CIA-sponsored coup, "thousands were herded in sports stadiums in a style reminiscent of the 1973 Chilean Coup [another CIA-sponsored event], from where special groups were selected for torture and execution....The main enemies of the revolution were union leaders, student leaders, journalists, progressive clergy, political activists, and just ordinary Bolivians who happened to be in someone's gunsight." Klaus Barbie's neo-Nazi goons were furnished a private torture house (with thick walls so the victims' screams would not be heard) belonging to a CIA asset named Sonia Atala, who was the "chief international sales rep" for the Bolivian drug running government. Sonia Atala was protected by the CIA, brought to the U.S., entered by the CIA into the Witness Protection Program, and under new ID again began her drug trafficking, later again arrested but again protected by the CIA. Further, with full cooperation, aid and knowledge of the U.S. government, all her wealth and properties in Bolivia were returned to her as she was returned to Bolivia.

Documents "how the CIA created La Corporacion, the 'General Motors of cocaine,' which led directly to the current cocaine/crack epidemic." Senator John Kerry said, "Our system of justice had been perverted; that [our covert agencies] had converted themselves into channels for the flow of drugs into the U.S." Evidence which should have jailed high government officials for ten to twenty years was heard in "secret session" and will never be revealed to the American people. This secrecy was allegedly for reasons of national security. Drug-using federal judges and prosecutors implicated by informers are protected by the CIA from investigation, let alone indictment, trial or sentencing. Critical U.S. evidence against drug traffickers is suddenly missing after being sent by diplomatic pouch. Word on the street among DEA agents is that one of their own was assassinated by the CIA because "he was involved in cases that overlapped CIA interests" and "knew too much about the CIA smuggling drugs into the U.S. to support its own interests.

Michael "Pat" Sullivan, a Miami Assistant U.S. Attorney, released and failed to indict drug trafficker and murderer Jose Gasser from the CIA connected family that had funded the coup. Levine had seen drug traffickers be held, indicted, tried, convicted, and sentenced to thirty years on less evidence than what Sullivan had on Gasser, yet Sullivan set Gasser free to return to Bolivia where the CIA then helped him to overthrow the Bolivian government.

Levine was sent on wild goose chases when he got too close to the truth. He was set up by the DEA to testify against a major drug baron, but with no protection. After calling headquarters to complain, he was told to cool his heels, that the DEA official would straighten it out. The DEA official never provided Levine protection that whole week and never even called Levine back.

The coup was instigated and supported by the CIA for two reasons: First, because the newly elected government was leftist; and second, to insure that President Carter would lose the election if it appeared that he lost an entire country to drug trafficking. (Simultaneous with the Bolivian Coup, the alleged "October Surprise" was being mounted, wherein "the CIA and Reagan election committee conspired to delay the release of American hostages in Iran to insure Carter's defeat.")

Levine discovered that "the less enforcement [he] did, the better [he] got along with [his] bosses." Everything he observed in the media was incomplete, uninformed, poorly investigated or carefully edited such that it would not expose special interests. The general media intent was to leave the American people with the impression that American leaders were actually trying to win the drug war.

After Reagan was elected, DEA was informed it was being taken over by the FBI. The ensuing changes included impractical approaches seemingly designed to slow down enforcement (i.e., all DEA agents were to now wear "business type suits, shirts - off white, white, or pale blue, only - and ties at all times," and reorganizing DEA by drug of choice, the marijuana desk, the heroine desk, the cocaine desk, etc., making the investigation of any drug dealers involved with trafficking more than one drug (a usual and expected phenomena) almost impossible to investigate.

Levine was removed from his Argentina post and put under surveillance and investigation, not the first agent to have stepped on the toes of special interest and then been neutralized. A DEA agent in Honduras had documented that "the Honduran Military - which was then helping Oliver North and the CIA to support the anti-Sandinista Contras in Nicaragua - was the source of more than 50 tons of cocaine smuggled into the U.S. in a 15-month period, or half the estimated U.S. consumption. The DEA suits (the bureaucratic armchair generals directing the drug war) promptly transferred that agent out of Honduras and closed the office."

Levine quotes other sources as well. James Mills says in his book, The Underground Empire, "The CIA in its pursuit of intelligence and influence, often courts the same powerful figures [DEA] pursued as criminals...and intelligence wins precedence over law enforcement. The highly connected tuxedo- clad criminal is left in place to provide intelligence to the US. - and drugs to its citizens."

Levine's partners and colleagues were interrogated numerous times in an intimidation attempt to get them to change their statements to incriminate Levine. The DEA street agents don't understand the DEA suits since the suits' decisions often appear incompetent and even make the street agents wonder which side of the drug war the suits are on. Examples are given of two DEA agents sent to Columbia into a hazardous situation unarmed and with no backup, and who were consequently kidnapped and shot. Other agents have been tortured and killed. But this is covered up to this day. For example, in the case of the two DEA agents in Columbia, a high level DEA official rushed to Columbia and wrote a report to absolve the top suits of any blame in which he stated that "the fact that [the agents] were unarmed may have actually worked to [their] advantage," an idea that was greatly disputed by the agents who were shot.

Many tax dollars are wasted, by weeks, months, and even years of DEA meetings, preparation, training and investigations only to have the criminal targets set free in the end because they are CIA assets.

Levine was assigned to do "a reverse undercover sting with DEA's best informant and its worst dope." The dope was so diluted, it would be difficult to sell on the street, much less to major dealers. Either the investigation was being sabotaged or someone within DEA had stolen some dope and diluted the rest to cover the theft." Levine made video tapes of the big time dealers testing the dope, coming up short, getting suspicious, and refusing the buy. "The tapes should have been more than enough to start a dozen classic Internal Security investigations." He had also lodged complaints with the three DEA suits in charge of the sting. "Not only had no investigation been started, but [he] was forced to continue the undercover sting using the same suspicious cocaine." Consequently, few if any dealers took the bait. Yet, the DEA has tons of pure cocaine just sitting in warehouses waiting to be destroyed.

"The difference in purity indicated that a minimum of twelve kilos of cocaine, having a street value of $2.4 million, had been removed or stolen in the midst of what DEA had described as its highest-priority investigation."

Levine mailed a letter to Newsweek Magazine detailing the fraud, the cover-up, and the complicity of our own U.S. government in the drug trade. [CN -- Levine sent his letter to Newsweek with return receipt requested. He received the return receipt, indicating that Newsweek had received his letter. Newsweek neither followed up this lead by contacting Levine, nor printed Levine's letter.] Representative Larry Smith, pursuant to the House investigation of the torture death of DEA agent Enrique "Kiki" Camarena, stated, "What has a DEA agent who puts his life on the line got to look forward to? The U.S. government is not going to back him up. I find that intolerable."

When the CIA is involved, defendants are mysteriously released from jail and the case destroyed, evidence mysteriously disappears, investigative leads strangely never followed, evidence illegally destroyed and tampered with and no one questions the matter, in violation of all DEA and Department of Justice regulations and federal laws.

In part, the reason CIA assets guilty of drug dealing were protected from the U.S. criminal justice system was that if any of them were indicted, the CIA's "role in the takeover of Bolivia by drug dealers, rapists, and murderers - and perhaps their role in drug dealing, too - might be revealed to the American people." Senator John Kerry said, "Our covert agencies have converted themselves to channels for drugs."

"In her book, Out of Control, (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1987), investigative journalist Leslie Cockburn shows quite conclusively that the only official inquiry into the U.S. government's involvement in the trafficking of drugs to its own people was a sham, the purpose of which was to cover up the very crimes it was supposed to be investigating."

After two and a half years of their attempt to indict Levine, all they could come up with were three petty questionable violations and one week suspension without pay. "[He] was being charged with a questionable transaction with an informant (a transaction DEA had ordered [him] to do with Tanya), unauthorized phone calls from the American embassy (the phone calls to [his] kids when Suarez [a Columbian drug dealer] put a price on [his] head), and failure to keep receipts and records of expenses while working undercover during the Suarez operation (an offense that can only be likened to charging a soldier on combat duty with failure to file an income tax form)."

As Levine retired from the DEA, his one trustworthy supervisor told Levine, "It's f------ getting worse and worse and worse. Expose this f------ fraud, Michael. Expose it."

To the Bolivian drug lord government, the drug war was a dog and pony show to trot in front of U.S. politicians and media to keep U.S. aid flowing into Bolivia. It was rumored that at least one of the biggest cocaine labs - the one at Huanchaca - belonged to the CIA to help finance its covert operations in South America. Eyewitness reports place Oliver North at the Huanchaca lab.

The Columbian Government and the U.S. Government knew that the Columbian economy was far too dependent on drugs to risk real war on them. "Besides, drug money was the only thing repaying the huge debts owed by countries like Columbia, Bolivia, and Peru to already nervous U.S. bankers." Ultimately, the Bolivian Government served up Arce-Gomez, an aging, penniless, broken man long out of the drug business and no longer a threat to anyone but himself. The U.S. Government and DEA suits claimed, "We never gave up. We kept looking for him." They claimed that Arce- Gomez' arrest ended a six-year search. "'Bringing [him] to trial is a significant strike against the danger posed to the U.S. by those who deal in narcotics....Similar statements would be made by every politician who ever won a vote supporting our war on drugs and every suit whose job depended on its continued existence. Soon after, Bolivia received an increase in U.S. aid dollars."

"However, Arce-Gomez was "found" on his mother's farm near Santa Cruz, where DEA agents in Bolivia had reported seeing [him] openly shopping in [the] downtown [area] for the past several years."

"For decades, the CIA, the Pentagon, and secret organizations like Oliver North's Enterprise have been supporting and protecting the world's biggest drug dealers," including the Mujahedin in Afghanistan (heroin), the Contras in Central America (cocaine), the DFS in Mexico, the Shan United Army in the Golden Triangle of Southeast Asia, and "any of a score of other groups and/or individuals like Manuel Noriega. Support of these people has been secretly deemed more important than getting drugs off our streets."

After thirty years of paying countries like Bolivia, Peru, Columbia, Afghanistan, Turkey, Taiwan, Ghana, Nigeria, Iran, India, Pakistan, Mexico, and Southeast Asia billions of aid and hundreds of millions in drug war funds, drugs continue to pour into the U.S. at an ever increasing rate.

[ be continued...]

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Aperi os tuum muto, et causis omnium filiorum qui pertranseunt. Aperi os tuum, decerne quod justum est, et judica inopem et pauperem. -- Liber Proverbiorum XXXI: 8-9

Brian Francis Redman "The Big C"

Coming to you from Illinois -- "The Land of Skolnick"